This 'indigenous' city under construction in Mahabibo-Mahajanga could have been a model for new capital housing. Colonial administration efforts to beautify the Malagasy capital through garden development, a hippodrome, and Lake Anosy 'have only very limited influence on the city's general hygiene conditions, which remain highly defective behind a brilliant facade,' according to a 1934 Municipal Hygiene Bureau (BMH) report. A 1936 survey showed 75% of houses lacked comfort and 22% were uninhabitable slums. 'Such findings reinforce the position of those criticizing the colonizers' insufficient social action,' notes researcher Faranirina V. Esoavelomandroso in her study on plague as both disease and political phenomenon among the Merina people (1921-1936).

Lacking effective 'defensive measures,' sanitary police regulations aimed to stop epidemic ravages through cleaning and disinfection operations in contaminated neighborhoods and villages. Plague victims' houses underwent complete disinfection supervised by European police inspectors and carried out by hygiene agents assisted by bourjanes or prisoners. The operation involved two phases. The first began immediately after diagnosis: spraying the patient's room floor with cresyl, immersing soiled linens in cresyl solution, sealing door and window joints, inserting chloropicrine tampons in rat holes, disinfecting with formaldehyde or sulfurous gas, sealing the final door, and posting seals. Two days later came phase two: incinerating mattresses, straw pallets, pillows, blankets; rat extermination in the contaminated room and building; renewed disinfection and sealing for eight days; rat extermination in neighboring houses within 50 meters.

Such operations required personnel and materials. Implementation proved difficult in traditional rammed-earth cases of Imerina. For greater effectiveness, complete housing restoration was necessary for rat extermination, disinfection, repairs, and interior-exterior replastering. In Arivonimamo region, prophylaxis teams undertook village restoration. However, prophylaxis services sometimes preferred burning houses 'of little value' and proposing owner compensation.

During the 1921 Antananarivo epidemic, all contaminated houses were burned except one. Discrimination intervened here too. According to the researcher, journalist Jean Ralaimongo denounced this in his report: 'Between two houses, one belonging to a Malagasy and the other to a European or wealthy colonist's Malagasy client, the first is reduced to ashes while the second is not.' Dr. Allain, in an article on 'pulmonary plague epidemic,' explained this controversial prophylaxis service attitude: 'One exception was made for a European's house, Mr. X, whose son and wife died of pulmonary plague. X's house is a fine construction fully furnished European-style, situated amid an agglomeration of houses that would have been difficult to preserve if set ablaze. Given the house's interior cleanliness and impeccable condition, the BMH merely conducted first-phase disinfection.' However, it was decided the house remain closed six months before reoccupancy after renewed disinfection. The doctor noted that Malagasy-occupied dwellings, even those of the very wealthy, left much to be desired regarding cleanliness. 'The building may appear fine externally, but in occupied apartments, filth reigns supreme.'

In Imerina countryside, entire villages were consumed by flames—a measure striking the imagination, notes Faranirina V. Esoavelomandroso. In April 1922, Anketrina village in Ambohimiadana district was evacuated then burned. The following October, Anjanamiaro in Fenoarivo suffered the same fate. Justified by hygiene necessities according to medical services, house or village incineration was interpreted by part of Malagasy opinion solely through the colonial context. This measure was allegedly motivated primarily by 'the colonial administration's will.'