Prime Minister Rasanjy served under French Resident General Hippolyte Laroche. In a publication in the historical review "Omaly sy Anio" No. 15, first semester 1982, Bakoly Domenichini-Ramiaramanana and Jean-Pierre Domenichini undertook a study of Andevo history ("Aspects of slavery under Merina monarchy according to legislative and regulatory texts"). The research couple indicated they referred to various laws to understand "essential facts concerning this institution in the final days of the monarchy." These included reports from French Resident General Hippolyte Laroche, discourse from Prince Ramahatra as governor general of the Ambatomanga military circle, circulars from Rasanjy serving as Prime Minister and commander-in-chief, and notably the decree proclaiming slavery abolition in Madagascar. These facts, taken together, the Domenichinis note, contradict what one might easily imagine from, for example, one of Laroche's 1896 reports to his minister: "...And congratulating myself for having insisted in favor of this great measure (slavery abolition) threatened with delay by the ill will of some and cowardice of others, I thank you for giving me the honor of realizing it." They also clarify that Laroche's self-praise was not in vain, as the decree's content itself sufficiently honors him. The text stipulates it aims to abolish human trafficking and combat it severely in all forms of the odious sales authorized by the monarchy in public markets, reducing people to the rank of livestock and transaction objects. The State extracted its share of "the horrible clandestine trade" through registration taxes, thus facilitating "forced exile beyond the seas of victims, many of whom were probably innocent," through internal trafficking equally illegal for the monarchy, generally serving as the first step toward external trafficking. Defending the Resident General without hesitation, the two researchers emphasize that Laroche only promulgated his decree after taking standard precautions. Among others, he was firmly convinced his act would provoke no disorder whatsoever. Before deciding, he observed and had a local commission study the situation, at least the reality in Imerina before his eyes. Thus he could establish several facts. Slaves in Imerina constituted slightly more than one-third of the population. The census conducted in four districts (minus nineteen villages) yielded 216,697 slaves (36.19%), 337,637 free subjects (56.39%), and 44,354 nobles (7.40%). These results had not yet reached the residence general by March 12, 1896. It should be noted that slaves were not subjects of the queen, and therefore she should not have been too opposed to their emancipation. "Quite the contrary, perhaps, despite the loss of registration taxes from sales." In his October 15, 1896 circular regarding the necessity of registering freed slaves, Prime Minister Rasanjy specified this must occur "both individually and as they were married and had legitimate children as free persons already did." Another observation: on the eve of the protectorate, at least in Antananarivo, many slave owners considered "as already realized a measure which in truth they awaited." Thus they accepted it "cheerfully" when news reached them of the Chamber of Deputies' "wish" concerning immediate slave emancipation in Madagascar (Madagascar Bulletin, February 1967). Furthermore, slaves were not all destitute. Some even owned "property or real estate they had acquired from their own funds or by inheritance." Yet, even if rich, they were always considered "minor children." And even married, with or without children, they could theoretically not dispose of it freely without their masters' authorization. Finally, these masters were not all odious characters, but people whose "generosities" toward slaves could consist of "movable property" given in full ownership or "real property" (land or houses) given in usufruct. In any case, such largesse had to at least ensure the subsistence of all their dependents, including slaves. Pela Ravalitera